Publication: El bronce final y la protocolonización en la Península Ibérica
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2018-06-25
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Universidad Complutense de Madrid
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Abstract
Este trabajo parte de la peculiaridad de una serie de objetos que tienen en común el servir de evidencias directas o indirectas de los contactos entre el Atlántico y el Mediterráneo en la Península Ibérica durante el Bronce Final, en las cercanías de la colonización fenicia (1050-825 a.C.). En líneas generales, en esta época las comunidades de la Península Ibérica se encuentran en la órbita de dos grades complejos culturales con marcadas diferencias étnicas, especialmente perceptibles a nivel ideológico, aunque económicamente afines. Por un lado, el mundo atlántico, ampliamente extendido por todo el territorio peninsular aunque especialmente enraizado en la mitad occidental. Su principal característica es la metalurgia de bronce, rica en estaño, cuyos tipos se difunden por toda la fachada atlántica europea. En cambio, apenas ha dejado vestigios habitacionales y funerarios. Por otro lado, los Campos de Urnas, una tradición de origen alpina que se extiende por un enorme espacio en el centro-oeste de Europa, comprendiendo el noreste peninsular y el litoral levantino. Contrariamente, el registro de poblados y enterramientos tras un rito de incineración es notable, aunque la metalurgia es más pobre en cuanto a su cantidad y variedad. Ambas complejos culturales comparten una organización social de rango según la definición de Marshall Sahlins y de Morton Fried, jerarquizada aunque no estratificada. La sociedad está centrada en la figura de big men o líderes que dominan el colectivo legitimados por su prestigio en el combate y en la sabia administración de los recursos. Los big men no son, en principio, posiciones hereditarias, de manera que este rango va rotando a medida que otras personas les superan en prestigio o, simplemente, que mueren. La sociedad de rango se fragmenta en comunidades de pequeño tamaño formadas por familias. Las familias funcionan como unidades de producción y reproducción y en su seno los bienes circulan de acuerdo a unas normas de reciprocidad positiva. Igualmente, estas normas también están vigentes en cada comunidad, que explota los recursos de sus inmediaciones libremente. Pero mientras que las relaciones intrafamiliares se basan en los lazos de sangre, las relaciones interfamiliares se fundamentan en alianzas intencionadas, creando una red clientelar liderada por el big man. Por su parte, las relaciones fuera de las redes familiar y clientelar recaen en los líderes, quienes generan así la red diplomática en virtud de la cual se producen los intercambios y solidaridades suprarregionales...
This research starts from the peculiarity of a set of objects which have a common background as long as they work as direct or indirect evidences of the contacts between Atlantic and Mediterranean in the Iberian Peninsula during the Late Bronze Age, close to the Phoenician colonization (1050-825 BC). In broad terms, the Iberian communities of this period are situated in the realm of two great cultural complexes ethnically well different and particularly noticeable at ideological level, but both economically related, though. On the one hand, the Atlantic world, widely extended all over the peninsular range, especially rooted in the western half. Its main attribute is the bronze metallurgy rich in tin, whose types spread across the European Atlantic façade. By contrast, there are hardly any house and funerary remains. On the other hand, the Urnfields, an Alpine cultural tradition that covers a huge area in mid-west Europe, including the northeast and the east coast of the Iberian Peninsula. Contrary to the Atlantic archaeology, the register of villages and buries after an incineration rite is notorious, although the metallurgy is poorer in terms of quantity and variety. Both cultural complexes share a rank social organization according to Marshall Sahlin’s and Morton Fried’s models: hierarchized, but non-stratified. The society is centralized on the figure of big men or leaders whose rule is legitimated by their prestige in combat and by the wise managing of the resources. In principle, big men are not hereditary, so this honor rotates inasmuch as other people surpass them in prestige or simply die. A rank society is fragmented in small size communities formed by families. Families work as units of production and reproduction, and the goods circulate according to certain norms of positive reciprocity into them. Same way, this norms are also in force in each community, freely exploiting the resources of the surrounding area. But whereas insidefamily relationships are based in blood links, outside-family relationships stand on intentional alliances, creating a network of patronage ruled by the big man. Likewise, relationships out of the network of patronage and family are matter of the leaders who generate this way the diplomatic network whereby supra-regional exchanges and solidarities are generated...
This research starts from the peculiarity of a set of objects which have a common background as long as they work as direct or indirect evidences of the contacts between Atlantic and Mediterranean in the Iberian Peninsula during the Late Bronze Age, close to the Phoenician colonization (1050-825 BC). In broad terms, the Iberian communities of this period are situated in the realm of two great cultural complexes ethnically well different and particularly noticeable at ideological level, but both economically related, though. On the one hand, the Atlantic world, widely extended all over the peninsular range, especially rooted in the western half. Its main attribute is the bronze metallurgy rich in tin, whose types spread across the European Atlantic façade. By contrast, there are hardly any house and funerary remains. On the other hand, the Urnfields, an Alpine cultural tradition that covers a huge area in mid-west Europe, including the northeast and the east coast of the Iberian Peninsula. Contrary to the Atlantic archaeology, the register of villages and buries after an incineration rite is notorious, although the metallurgy is poorer in terms of quantity and variety. Both cultural complexes share a rank social organization according to Marshall Sahlin’s and Morton Fried’s models: hierarchized, but non-stratified. The society is centralized on the figure of big men or leaders whose rule is legitimated by their prestige in combat and by the wise managing of the resources. In principle, big men are not hereditary, so this honor rotates inasmuch as other people surpass them in prestige or simply die. A rank society is fragmented in small size communities formed by families. Families work as units of production and reproduction, and the goods circulate according to certain norms of positive reciprocity into them. Same way, this norms are also in force in each community, freely exploiting the resources of the surrounding area. But whereas insidefamily relationships are based in blood links, outside-family relationships stand on intentional alliances, creating a network of patronage ruled by the big man. Likewise, relationships out of the network of patronage and family are matter of the leaders who generate this way the diplomatic network whereby supra-regional exchanges and solidarities are generated...
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Tesis inédita de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Facultad de Geografía e Historia, Departamento de Prehistoria, leída el 11/07/2017