Publication: El islam en Rusia: desafíos a la seguridad y respuestas estratégicas
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2020
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Universidad de Granada
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Abstract
El islam forma parte de la historia y de la cultura rusas desde el siglo VII, colaborando activamente en el proceso de construcción del Estado, desarrollando relaciones con otros grupos sociales, con los que ha compartido espacios, historia y políticas de asimilación. Sin embargo, la comunidad musulmana ha tenido un papel asimétrico frente a otros grupos étnicos y culturales del Estado, ocupando, durante largos periodos históricos, una posición periférica en asuntos políticos, militares y económicos. A lo largo de los años 90, la religión se convirtió en un elemento de reivindicación nacionalista contra el poder federal, incentivado por la entrada de un islam transnacional radical importado de los países de Oriente Medio de predominio sunita. Las dos guerras chechenas y la posterior gestión de la zona por parte de Moscú han favorecido la aplicación de un nuevo esquema de análisis basado en la etnicidad-seguridad, que generaliza una interpretación negativa del islam en Rusia. La división de las instituciones religiosas musulmanas tampoco ha facilitado la interlocución interétnica ni la relación con el Kremlin. El estudio de las estrategias rusas frente al desafío del islam se ha orientado tradicionalmente al análisis de la dimensión de seguridad, enfocándose en las respuestas militares de los órganos de seguridad del Estado ruso, ya que, la propia disfuncionalidad del sistema político y la ausencia de políticas basadas en al respeto a los derechos individuales ha impedido la aparición de otras iniciativas que consideren la convivencia interétnica e interreligiosa en un Estado declarado laico. Sin embargo, podemos estudiar también las iniciativas rusas aplicando el enfoque del estudio de la política exterior de los Estados para analizar la utilización de la diversidad religiosa en la obtención de determinados objetivos de política exterior. En este sentido, el trabajo aborda la función de los grupos militares procedentes del Cáucaso, integrados en las fuerzas federales rusas, dentro del conflicto sirio. Finalmente, los programas vinculados a la Prevención del Extremismo Violento (PEV) en el Cáucaso Norte, con sus limitaciones, muestran también un cierto cambio en la implementación y gestión de nuevos métodos para frenar la insurgencia regional.
Islam has been part of Russian history and culture since the 7th century, actively collaborating in the process of building the State, developing relationships with other social groups, with whom it has shared spaces, history, and assimilation policies. However, the Muslim community has played an asymmetrical in the State, occupying a peripheral position in political, military, and economic affairs, for long historical periods. Throughout the 1990s, religion became an element of nationalist vindication against federal power, fueled by the entry of a radical transnational Islam imported from the predominantly Sunni Middle Eastern countries. The two Chechen wars and the subsequent management of the area by Moscow have favored the application of a new analysis scheme based on ethnicity-security, which generalizes a negative interpretation of Islam in Russia. The division of Muslim religious institutions has not facilitated interethnic dialogue or relations with the Kremlin. The study of Russian strategies to face the challenge of Islam has traditionally been oriented to the analysis of the security dimension, focusing on the military responses of the security organs of the Russian State, since the dysfunctionality of the political system and the absence of Policies based on respect for individual rights have prevented the appearance of other initiatives that consider inter-ethnic and interreligious coexistence in a state declared secular. However, we can also consider the study of Russian initiatives applying the approach of the study of the foreign policy of states to analyze the use of religious diversity in the achievement of certain foreign policy objectives. In this sense, the work addresses the role of military groups from the Caucasus, integrated into Russian federal forces, within the Syrian conflict. Finally, the programs related to the Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) in the Northern Caucasus, with their limitations, also show a certain change in the implementation and management of new methods to stop the regional insurgency.
Islam has been part of Russian history and culture since the 7th century, actively collaborating in the process of building the State, developing relationships with other social groups, with whom it has shared spaces, history, and assimilation policies. However, the Muslim community has played an asymmetrical in the State, occupying a peripheral position in political, military, and economic affairs, for long historical periods. Throughout the 1990s, religion became an element of nationalist vindication against federal power, fueled by the entry of a radical transnational Islam imported from the predominantly Sunni Middle Eastern countries. The two Chechen wars and the subsequent management of the area by Moscow have favored the application of a new analysis scheme based on ethnicity-security, which generalizes a negative interpretation of Islam in Russia. The division of Muslim religious institutions has not facilitated interethnic dialogue or relations with the Kremlin. The study of Russian strategies to face the challenge of Islam has traditionally been oriented to the analysis of the security dimension, focusing on the military responses of the security organs of the Russian State, since the dysfunctionality of the political system and the absence of Policies based on respect for individual rights have prevented the appearance of other initiatives that consider inter-ethnic and interreligious coexistence in a state declared secular. However, we can also consider the study of Russian initiatives applying the approach of the study of the foreign policy of states to analyze the use of religious diversity in the achievement of certain foreign policy objectives. In this sense, the work addresses the role of military groups from the Caucasus, integrated into Russian federal forces, within the Syrian conflict. Finally, the programs related to the Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) in the Northern Caucasus, with their limitations, also show a certain change in the implementation and management of new methods to stop the regional insurgency.