Publication: La jerarquía católica española en perspectiva comparada.
La confrontación política entre la Iglesia y el Gobierno socialista a comienzos del siglo XXI
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2013-05
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Abstract
La Iglesia católica española (ICE) constituye un grupo de interés multi-issue con distintos resultados en su actividad política: la financiación y la educación son asuntos clave en los que está protegida por los Acuerdos de 1979, pero los poderes públicos no tienen la obligación de negociar con esta institución políticas de contenido moral. Como respuesta a la liberalización del aborto y a la aprobación del matrimonio de personas del mismo sexo, promovidas por el Gobierno de Rodríguez Zapatero, la ICE, a diferencia de otras instituciones eclesiásticas en Europa en situaciones parecidas, desarrolla una estrategia de confrontación junto con grupos católicos conservadores y, en menor medida, partidos políticos afines. Su posición “monopolista” en una sociedad que se define mayoritariamente como católica (argumento sociológico), la inextricable imbricación entre catolicismo e identidad nacional (argumento histórico) y su privilegiada relación con el Estado, que deriva de los Acuerdos de 1979 y del aconfesionalismo constitucional (argumento institucional), pueden explicar esta estrategia. Mientras que la Conferencia Episcopal (CE) es la principal responsable de la confrontación a nivel estatal, los obispos, a nivel autonómico, se han aprestado a través de un gran número de convenios con las autoridades regionales a defender los intereses de la Iglesia y minimizar los posibles “daños” que derivan del ámbito estatal. El Estado autonómico ha multiplicado los puntos de acceso al sistema político para la Iglesia y podría suceder que la CE terminara perdiendo peso político a favor de las conferencias episcopales regionales, promovidas no solo por las iglesias periféricas nacionalistas sino, también, por la creciente relevancia del nivel autonómico frente al estatal para los intereses eclesiásticos
The Spanish Catholic church (SCC) conforms a multi-issue interest group with a heterogeneous political record: unlike finance and education, two key areas which are covered by the 1979 Agreements with the Vatican, moral policies need not be negotiated with public authorities. Responding to the liberalization of abortion and approval of same-sex marriage by the Zapatero government, the SCC, in contrast with other churches under similar political circumstances, has embarked upon a confrontation strategy in alliance with conservative Catholic groups and like minded political parties. Its monopoly position in a society that still defines itself as predominantly Catholic (sociological argument), the inextricable link between Catholicism and national identity (historical argument) and its privileged relationship with the state, as a result of the 1979 Agreements with the Vatican state and its partially-established constitutional status (institutional argument) help understand this strategy. The Episcopal Conference (EC) is the main responsible for confrontation at the state level while the bishops, at the regional one, have set out to defend church interests, and minimize the inflicted “damage”, by means of a number of agreements with regional authorities. Thus, the EC might end up losing political power in favour of regional EC, promoted not only by local nationalist churches but also by the increasing relevance of the regional level for church interests.
The Spanish Catholic church (SCC) conforms a multi-issue interest group with a heterogeneous political record: unlike finance and education, two key areas which are covered by the 1979 Agreements with the Vatican, moral policies need not be negotiated with public authorities. Responding to the liberalization of abortion and approval of same-sex marriage by the Zapatero government, the SCC, in contrast with other churches under similar political circumstances, has embarked upon a confrontation strategy in alliance with conservative Catholic groups and like minded political parties. Its monopoly position in a society that still defines itself as predominantly Catholic (sociological argument), the inextricable link between Catholicism and national identity (historical argument) and its privileged relationship with the state, as a result of the 1979 Agreements with the Vatican state and its partially-established constitutional status (institutional argument) help understand this strategy. The Episcopal Conference (EC) is the main responsible for confrontation at the state level while the bishops, at the regional one, have set out to defend church interests, and minimize the inflicted “damage”, by means of a number of agreements with regional authorities. Thus, the EC might end up losing political power in favour of regional EC, promoted not only by local nationalist churches but also by the increasing relevance of the regional level for church interests.