Publication: La evolución del concepto de Nación en la historia de los Estados Unidos (s. XIX)
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2017-05-05
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Universidad Complutense de Madrid
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Abstract
Este trabajo de investigación histórico estudia la idea de nación en los EE.UU. desde la Declaración de Independencia a la Guerra Civil. La historiografía estadounidense, que por lo general reconoce la debilidad del Gobierno federal con anterioridad a la Guerra entre los Estados, ha dado por descontada la existencia de la nación desde la Declaración de Independencia1. Este texto propone una visión alternativa, que niega la existencia de una nación estadounidense antes de 1865, en el sentido moderno que entiende el Estado-nación como la entidad política que merece la fidelidad suprema de todos los ciudadanos que lo componen, y analiza el surgimiento de dos naciones enemigas, Norte y Sur, en el seno de un Estado ampliamente descentralizado, donde el titular último de la soberanía no era el Gobierno federal, sino los Estados integrantes. Algunas de las principales evidencias en contra de la existencia de un espíritu nacional en los Estados Unidos con anterioridad a la Guerra Civil serían: la ausencia de referencias a la nación en la Constitución; la inexistencia de un nombre distintivo para la Unión de los Estados, los estadounidenses tuvieron que recurrir al nombre del continente para denominarse a sí mismos; la resistencia de los Estados a aprobar la Constitución; la asunción de que, más allá de los poderes delegados, los Estados seguían siendo soberanos, lo que se tradujo en una continua resistencia a aplicar las leyes federales cuando éstas resultaban lesivas para sus intereses; la agria animadversión regional entre Nueva Inglaterra y Virginia, que, heredada del periodo colonial, tuvo continuidad en la pugna por el control del Oeste; y la falta de fervor nacionalista entre amplios sectores del Norte ante las guerras de 1812 y 1846. Este escrito realiza un recorrido por los principales hitos en la construcción nacional del periodo, comenzando por la propia Declaración de Independencia, los Artículos de la Confederación, la creación de un territorio común a partir de las cesiones de los Estados, la redacción de la Constitución, el tortuoso proceso de ratificación por parte de los Estados, el surgimiento del primer sistema de partidos a partir de las divergencias interpretativas del texto constitucional, la aprobación de la XI enmienda, la creciente inquietud de Nueva Inglaterra tras el triunfo Republicano en las elecciones de 1800, que desembocó en la Convención de Hartford y la serie de compromisos que permitieron la preservación de un precario equilibrio regional: el de 1790 sobre la ubicación de la capital, el de 1820 sobre el reparto de Luisiana, el de 1833 para sofocar la agitación en Carolina del Sur y el de 1850 para determinar qué hacer con el territorio adquirido a México...
This PHD dissertation studies the evolution of the concept of nationhood in the United States from the Declaration of Independence till the Civil War. The American historiography, despite the fact it recognizes the weakness of the federal government before the War of the States, has assumed the United States were a nation since the Declaration of Independence. This essay proposes an alternative view, which denies the existence of an American nation, understood as a modern political entity which deserves supreme allegiance from every citizen belonging to it, before 1865. Instead, the United States witnesses the development of two different nations, North and South, which will eventually become enemies, inside a weak federal state. This was possible because the several states maintained their sovereignty. The main evidences supporting this argument were: the word nation is not present in the Constitution; they did not chose a distinguish name for the Union of the States, the Americans merely used the name of the continent to identify themselves; the reluctance of the states to give their approval to the Constitution; the understanding that the States remained sovereigns; the rejection of federal measures that were against the interest of a particular state; the bitter animosities between New England and Virginia, which were inherited from the colonial period and will be increased because of the fight for the control of the West; and the lack of nationalism in the North during 1812 and 1846 wars. This work surveys relevant milestones in the process of nation building: the Declaration of Independence, the Articles of Confederation, the creation of the national domain, the writing and ratification of the Constitution, the rise of first national party system, the 11th amendment, the 1800 election, the Hartford Convention, and the set of Compromises that appease the sectional animosities: 1790, which sets the place of the national capital; 1820, which divides the Louisiana purchase between North and South; 1833, which avoids a conflict between South Carolina and the Jackson Administration on account of the tariff and 1850, which establish the principle of popular sovereignty in the territories annexed from Mexico. From my point of view, the longevity of the Constitution is the history of a failure traditionally shown as a success. The institutional framework designed by the Founding Fathers was not capable of containing sectional conflict and its ambiguity contributed to increase them. Lack of recognition of the sectional reality in the Constitution prevents the addition of counterbalance mechanisms to protect the vital interest of these sections. Without these guarantees, weaker sections were reluctant to allow a broad interpretation of the Constitution, because they perceived the general government as a threat to their essential rights and interest...
This PHD dissertation studies the evolution of the concept of nationhood in the United States from the Declaration of Independence till the Civil War. The American historiography, despite the fact it recognizes the weakness of the federal government before the War of the States, has assumed the United States were a nation since the Declaration of Independence. This essay proposes an alternative view, which denies the existence of an American nation, understood as a modern political entity which deserves supreme allegiance from every citizen belonging to it, before 1865. Instead, the United States witnesses the development of two different nations, North and South, which will eventually become enemies, inside a weak federal state. This was possible because the several states maintained their sovereignty. The main evidences supporting this argument were: the word nation is not present in the Constitution; they did not chose a distinguish name for the Union of the States, the Americans merely used the name of the continent to identify themselves; the reluctance of the states to give their approval to the Constitution; the understanding that the States remained sovereigns; the rejection of federal measures that were against the interest of a particular state; the bitter animosities between New England and Virginia, which were inherited from the colonial period and will be increased because of the fight for the control of the West; and the lack of nationalism in the North during 1812 and 1846 wars. This work surveys relevant milestones in the process of nation building: the Declaration of Independence, the Articles of Confederation, the creation of the national domain, the writing and ratification of the Constitution, the rise of first national party system, the 11th amendment, the 1800 election, the Hartford Convention, and the set of Compromises that appease the sectional animosities: 1790, which sets the place of the national capital; 1820, which divides the Louisiana purchase between North and South; 1833, which avoids a conflict between South Carolina and the Jackson Administration on account of the tariff and 1850, which establish the principle of popular sovereignty in the territories annexed from Mexico. From my point of view, the longevity of the Constitution is the history of a failure traditionally shown as a success. The institutional framework designed by the Founding Fathers was not capable of containing sectional conflict and its ambiguity contributed to increase them. Lack of recognition of the sectional reality in the Constitution prevents the addition of counterbalance mechanisms to protect the vital interest of these sections. Without these guarantees, weaker sections were reluctant to allow a broad interpretation of the Constitution, because they perceived the general government as a threat to their essential rights and interest...
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Tesis inédita de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Facultad de Geografía e Historia, leída el 18/12/2015