Publication: Reforma del sector de la seguridad en el Líbano: Consociacionalismo, securitización o democratización
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2019
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Universidad Complutense de Madrid
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Abstract
Tradicionalmente, las Fuerzas Armadas Libanesas (FAL) han servido más para el control de la población que para la defensa del país. Por su parte, tanto las FAL como las numerosas agencias de seguridad existentes han sido distribuidas entre los distintos partidos de acuerdo con cuotas de afiliación confesional, aplicando el modelo consociacional característico del Líbano. Además, existen distintos actores no estatales dotados de un importante armamento, si bien algunos de ellos (como es el caso de Hezbollah) colaboran con las FAL componiendo un modelo de gobernanza bastante peculiar. Desde la salida de las tropas sirias en 2005, el país se ha visto dividido en lo relativo a cómo afrontar una reforma del sector de la seguridad. Mientras algunos actores han querido mantener el statu quo (con el apoyo sirio o iraní), otros deseaban únicamente el desarme de Hezbollah (respaldados por Estados Unidos y Arabia Saudí). El objetivo de este trabajo consiste en evaluar hasta qué punto las reformas efectuadas han contribuido a la creación de un sector de la seguridad ajustado a las exigencias de un régimen democrático, capaz de garantizar la paz interior, la neutralidad política y la defensa del país.
Traditionally, the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) have been more devoted to the control of Lebanese population than to national defence. At the same time, the control of both the LAF and the many other existing security agencies have been divided among the different political parties according to quotas of confessional affiliation, applying the traditional consotiational Lebanese model. Moreover, there are other non-state actors keeping important weaponry, although some of them (as in the case of Hezbollah) cooperate with the LAF in a very peculiar model of governance. Since the withdrawal of the Syrian troops in 2005, the country is split concerning how to tackle a security sector reform. While some actors only wanted to preserve the status quo (with Syrian and Iranian support), other only want to disarm Hezbollah (backed by the US and Saudi Arabia). The objective of this paper consists of assessing the degree to which the past reforms have contributed to the creation of a security sector adapted to the requirements of a democratic system and able to guarantee domestic peace, political neutrality and national defence.
Traditionally, the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) have been more devoted to the control of Lebanese population than to national defence. At the same time, the control of both the LAF and the many other existing security agencies have been divided among the different political parties according to quotas of confessional affiliation, applying the traditional consotiational Lebanese model. Moreover, there are other non-state actors keeping important weaponry, although some of them (as in the case of Hezbollah) cooperate with the LAF in a very peculiar model of governance. Since the withdrawal of the Syrian troops in 2005, the country is split concerning how to tackle a security sector reform. While some actors only wanted to preserve the status quo (with Syrian and Iranian support), other only want to disarm Hezbollah (backed by the US and Saudi Arabia). The objective of this paper consists of assessing the degree to which the past reforms have contributed to the creation of a security sector adapted to the requirements of a democratic system and able to guarantee domestic peace, political neutrality and national defence.